Friday, November 18, 2005

I simply am, part III

I have been commenting on a 1994 essay by Andrew Sullivan on his struggle to reconcile the teachings of his Church with the experience of his life. This is difficult for all people, but for the gay Christian, the dissonance can be unbearable. The third part of the essay, posted below, illuminates the difficulty in hating the sin and loving the sinner, especially when the sinner is the Self and the “sin” reaches to the very core of the person. A few thoughts:

(1) Perhaps most importantly, this part of the essay addresses a few of the commonly (over)used analogies for homosexual behavior. Analogies are good when they serve a heuristic or didactic purpose—often through iterations of analogies something can be learned (dismissing one analogy for another helps define the boundaries of the question at hand). If, however, the analogy doesn’t fit (e.g., alcoholics = homosexuals), violence can be done to Truth. What analogue exists for the ‘gay issue’? Are gays like alcoholics? Sex addicts? Are they like cannibals? Or are they more like sterile people? What do we learn from these analogies, especially at the points where they don’t align? When the argument is made that gays, like alcoholics, should simply avoid the thing that tempts them, what are we asking?

(2) Sullivan, below, asserts that the main problem with analogizing homosexuality to alcoholism is that homosexuality, unlike alcoholism, reaches into the deepest part of the person, reaches to the part of us that exists for loving others. An alcoholic must give up alcohol and, in so doing, must face those demons which drove her to drink. If successful, though, she gains her freedom. The gay Christian is asked to give up so much more. Sex, yes, but more: love, intimacy, a life lived with another and for another. The difference from the alcoholic grows: the homosexual is asked, at a very young age, to promise to never enjoy the love associated with committed sexual union, though she is asked to support all her friends as they begin their lives with husbands and wives. We are not told to refrain from having a whiskey; we are told to refrain from love if we hope to save ourselves from hell.

There is another difference between the homosexual and the alcoholic. Alcoholism is invariably pathological; homosexuality is not. The evidence for this continues to mount. Lesbians and gay men are well-adjusted, productive, happy people.

(3) If homosexuality is either a natural or a blameless condition—that is, if only homosexual action and not homosexual orientation is sinful—is it coherent to require gay and lesbian Christians to abandon all hope of romantic love, to tell them to love themselves but no one else? Many of the older generation (my parents included) don’t have to face this question; they deny the existence of homosexuality altogether (i.e., it is a choice made by misguided individuals).

But if you agree that homosexual orientation is (for some, at least) fixed and immutable, and if you further believe that this orientation is not, in and of itself, sinful, then why deny gays and lesbians expression of their love? The common to this question is “the Bible says.” But do you think Paul believed homosexual orientation to be immutable, natural, and sinless? If not, does that change the way you read Paul’s injunctions against certain homosexual behaviors?

(4) The situation of the gay member of the Church of Christ at first seems different from the situation of the gay Catholic. Catholic theology relies heavily on tradition and natural law, while our theology (at least nominally) primarily relies on the Biblical text. It is important to remember, though, that we read our text through the inherited lenses of 2,000 years of tradition and history. We have inherited our concepts of what is natural from Catholic tradition, and the text itself is often burdened with the weight of thousands of years of readings and misreadings.

(5) The last part of this section of Sullivan’s essay addresses a point that is often missed. Assuming, arguendo that the heterosexual sexual union is the acme of human sexual expression. Why must it be the only expression of human sexuality?

And so, part III of this essay by Sullivan (The italics below are mine):

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III.

[The demand to love the sinner but hate the sin] is also a demand that raises the central question of the two documents (see parts I and II below) and, indeed, of any Catholic homosexual life: How intelligible is the Church's theological and moral position on the blamelessness of homosexuality and the moral depravity of homosexual acts? This question is the one I wrestled with in my early 20s, as the increasing aridity of my emotional life began to conflict with the possibility of my living a moral life. The distinction made some kind of sense in theory; but in practice, the command to love oneself as a person of human dignity yet hate the core longings that could make one emotionally whole demanded a sense of detachment or a sense of cynicism that seemed inimical to the Christian life. To deny lust was one thing; to deny love was another. And to deny love in the context of Christian doctrine seemed particularly perverse. Which begged a prior question: Could the paradoxes of the Church's position reflect a deeper incoherence at their core?

One way of tackling the question is to look for useful analogies to the moral paradox of the homosexual. Greed, for example, might be said to be an innate characteristic of human beings, which, in practice, is always bad. But the analogy falls apart immediately. Greed is itself evil; it is prideful, a part of Original Sin. It is not, like homosexuality, a blameless natural condition that inevitably leads to what are understood as immoral acts. Moreover, there is no subgroup of innately greedy people, nor a majority of people in which greed never occurs. Nor are the greedy to be treated with respect. There is no paradox here, and no particular moral conundrum.

Aquinas suggests a way around this problem. He posits that some things that occur in nature may be in accordance with an individual's nature, but somehow against human nature in general: "for it sometimes happens that one of the principles which is natural to the species as a whole has broken down in one of its individual members; the result can be that something which runs counter to the nature of the species as a whole, happens to be in harmony with nature for a particular individual: as it becomes natural for a vessel of water which has been heated to give out heat." Forget, for a moment, the odd view that somehow it is more "natural" for a vessel to exist at one temperature than another. The fundamental point here is that there are natural urges in a particular person that may run counter to the nature of the species as a whole. The context of this argument is a discussion of pleasure: How is it, if we are to trust nature (as Aquinas and the Church say we must), that some natural pleasures in some people are still counter to human nature as a whole? Aquinas's only response is to call such events functions of sickness, what the modern Church calls "objective disorder." But here, too, the analogies he provides are revealing: they are bestiality and cannibalism. Aquinas understands each of these activities as an emanation of a predilection that seems to occur more naturally in some than in others. But this only reveals some of the special problems of lumping homosexuality in with other "disorders." Even Aquinas's modern disciples (and, as we've seen, the Church) concede that involuntary orientation to the same gender does not spring from the same impulses as cannibalism or bestiality. Or indeed that cannibalism is ever a "natural" pleasure in the first place, in the way that, for some bizarre reason, homosexuality is.

What, though, of Aquinas's better argument - that a predisposition to homosexual acts is a mental or physical illness that is itself morally neutral, but always predisposes people to inherently culpable acts? Here, again, it is hard to think of a precise analogy. Down syndrome, for example, occurs in a minority and is itself morally neutral; but when it leads to an immoral act, such as, say, a temper tantrum directed at a loving parent, the Church is loath to judge that person as guilty of choosing to break a commandment. The condition excuses the action. Or, take epilepsy: if an epileptic person has a seizure that injures another human being, she is not regarded as morally responsible for her actions, insofar as they were caused by epilepsy. There is no paradox here either, but for a different reason: with greed, the condition itself is blameworthy; with epilepsy, the injurious act is blameless.

Another analogy can be drawn. What of something like alcoholism? This is a blameless condition, as science and psychology have shown. Some people have a predisposition to it; others do not. Moreover, this predisposition is linked, as homosexuality is, to a particular act. For those with a predisposition to alcoholism, having a drink might be morally disordered, destructive to the human body and spirit. So, alcoholics, like homosexuals, should be welcomed into the Church, but only if they renounce the activity their condition implies.

Unfortunately, even this analogy will not hold. For one thing, drinking is immoral only for alcoholics. Moderate drinking is perfectly acceptable, according to the Church, for non-alcoholics. On the issue of homosexuality, to follow the analogy, the Church would have to say that sex between people of the same gender would be - in moderation - fine for heterosexuals but not for homosexuals. In fact, of course, the Church teaches the opposite, arguing that the culpability of homosexuals engaged in sexual acts should be judged with prudence - and less harshly - than the culpability of heterosexuals who engage in "perversion."

But the analogy to alcoholism points to a deeper problem. Alcoholism does not ultimately work as an analogy because it does not reach to the core of the human condition in the way that homosexuality, following the logic of the Church's arguments, does. If alcoholism is overcome by a renunciation of alcoholic acts, then recovery allows the human being to realize his or her full potential, a part of which, according to the Church, is the supreme act of self-giving in a life of matrimonial love. But if homosexuality is overcome by a renunciation of homosexual emotional and sexual union, the opposite is achieved: The human being is liberated into sacrifice and pain, barred from the matrimonial love that the Church holds to be intrinsic, for most people, to the state of human flourishing. Homosexuality is a structural condition that restricts the human being, even if homosexual acts are renounced, to a less than fully realized life. In other words, the gay or lesbian person is deemed disordered at a far deeper level than the alcoholic: at the level of the human capacity to love and be loved by another human being, in a union based on fidelity and self-giving. Their renunciation of such love also is not guided toward some ulterior or greater goal - as the celibacy of the religious orders is designed to intensify their devotion to God. Rather, the loveless homosexual destiny is precisely toward nothing, a negation of human fulfillment, which is why the Church understands that such persons, even in the act of obedient self-renunciation, are called "to enact the will of God in their life by joining whatever sufferings and difficulties they experience in virtue of their condition to the sacrifice of the Lord's cross."

This suggests another analogy: the sterile person. Here, too, the person is structurally barred by an innate or incurable condition from the full realization of procreative union with another person. One might expect that such people would be regarded in exactly the same light as homosexuals. They would be asked to commit themselves to a life of complete celibacy and to offer up their pain toward a realization of Christ's sufferings on the cross. But that, of course, is not the Church's position. Marriage is available to sterile couples or to those past child-bearing age; these couples are not prohibited from having sexual relations.

One is forced to ask: What rational distinction can be made, on the Church's own terms, between the position of sterile people and that of homosexual people with regard to sexual relations and sacred union? If there is nothing morally wrong, per se, with the homosexual condition or with homosexual love and self-giving, then homosexuals are indeed analogous to those who, by blameless fate, cannot reproduce. With the sterile couple, it could be argued, miracles might happen. But miracles, by definition, can happen to anyone. What the analogy to sterility suggests, of course, is that the injunction against homosexual union does not rest, at heart, on the arguments about openness to procreation, but on the Church's failure to fully absorb its own teachings about the dignity and worth of homosexual persons. It cannot yet see them as it sees sterile heterosexuals: people who, with respect to procreation, suffer from a clear, limiting condition, but who nevertheless have a potential for real emotional and spiritual self-realization, in the heart of the Church, through the transfiguring power of the matrimonial sacrament. It cannot yet see them as truly made in the image of God.

But this, maybe, is to be blind in the face of the obvious. Even with sterile people, there is a symbolism in the union of male and female that speaks to the core nature of sexual congress and its ideal instantiation. There is no such symbolism in the union of male with male or female with female. For some Catholics, this "symbology" goes so far as to bar even heterosexual intercourse from positions apart from the missionary - face to face, male to female, in a symbolic act of love devoid of all non-procreative temptation. For others, the symbology is simply about the notion of "complementarity," the way in which each sex is invited in the act of sexual congress - even when they are sterile - to perceive the mystery of the other; when the two sexes are the same, in contrast, the act becomes one of mere narcissism and self-indulgence, a higher form of masturbation. For others still, the symbolism is simply about Genesis, the story of Adam and Eve, and the essentially dual, male-female center of the natural world. Denying this is to offend the complementary dualism of the universe.

But all these arguments are arguments for the centrality of heterosexual sexual acts in nature, not their exclusiveness. It is surely possible to concur with these sentiments, even to laud their beauty and truth, while also conceding that it is nevertheless also true that nature seems to have provided a spontaneous and mysterious contrast that could conceivably be understood to complement - even dramatize - the central male-female order. In many species and almost all human cultures, there are some who seem to find their destiny in a similar but different sexual and emotional union. They do this not by subverting their own nature, or indeed human nature, but by fulfilling it in a way that doesn't deny heterosexual primacy, but rather honors it by its rare and distinct otherness. As albinos remind us of the brilliance of color; as redheads offer a startling contrast to the blandness of their peers; as genius teaches us, by contrast, the virtue of moderation; as the disabled person reveals to us in negative form the beauty of the fully functioning human body; so the homosexual person might be seen as a natural foil to the heterosexual norm, a variation that does not eclipse the theme, but resonates with it. Extinguishing - or prohibiting - homosexuality is, from this point of view, not a virtuous necessity, but the real crime against nature, a refusal to accept the pied beauty of God's creation, a denial of the way in which the other need not threaten, but may actually give depth and contrast to the self.

This is the alternative argument embedded in the Church's recent grappling with natural law, that is just as consonant with the spirit of natural law as the Church's current position. It is more consonant with what actually occurs in nature; seeks an end to every form of natural life; and upholds the dignity of each human person. It is so obvious an alternative to the Church's current stance that it is hard to imagine the forces of avoidance that have kept it so firmly at bay for so long.

Tuesday, November 08, 2005

No Nonsense in November, V (the final one, I promise)

So, it's no surprise the amendment passed. I do have to say I was a bit surprised by the margin of victory (perhaps I've been in a blue state for too long?).

Part of my surprise must stem from a fundamental misunderstanding of why someone would vote FOR this amendment. Though some cast their votes out of pure animus for gays and lesbians, I can't imagine that 75% of Texans hate gays. So why? Could someone please explain? And if you could try to do a better job than Maggie Gallagher (see below post) that would be great.

A few questions:

You believe it is wrong to be gay. Why must that translate into a legal ban? And would you vote to ban, say, adultery, fornication, or sodomy?

You believe that marriage is between one man and one woman because "that's the way it has always been." Why must it stay that way? And why does that argument fail when it comes to other ancient aspects of marriage that we have thrown by the wayside?

You believe that marriage is primarily about procreation. Even if procreation is the primary goal, must it be the exclusive goal? Why does the procreation argument necessarily exclude lesbians and gays from the institution of marriage, since we can adopt, or since many gays and lesbians have their own biological children?

If you oppose gay marriage, mustn't you also (logically speaking) oppose nondiscrimination policies banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation? Mustn't you also oppose every civil right for gays and lesbians, since the ability to choose whom to love and with whom create a family is among the most fundamental of human rights?

Someone please help me understand.

No Nonsense in November, IV


(NB: This picture is meant partially in jest. Many of you may know that the Klan recently held a rally in support of proposition 2)

The noise you are about to hear is the sound of GR beating a dead horse:

A few more thoughts on Proposition 2, including an embarrassing confession of cowardice. First, though, I want to include a statement by someone I respect and admire (I pulled this statement out of a conversation happening at another blog):
Instead of legislating morality, I like to think of an ideal law as morally legislating. Instead of giving the impression that the law gives some ultimate idea of what's right and what's wrong, moral legislation would be a law-making that is informed by moral principles while still acknowledging the broad scope of what different persons would consider 'moral.' Moral legislation would not define what is moral but rather reflect and embody moral principles in its words, essence, and execution.

This would cut short a simple ends-means ratio of legislation. Moral legislation for an anti-abortionist seems like it would focus more on how to provide effective care, insurance, education, and general supportive social structure for children instead of on simply overturning a court ruling. Moral legislation for an anti-war person seems like it would focus more on diplomacy, self-aware consumption of goods, and an effort to engage rather than marginalize the ideology of 'opposition' instead of on simply trying to pull troops out of wherever we may be.

It simply is not possible to legislate morality (though, as J. Burton points out, it may be possible to morally legislate). Passing this amendment will not make me straight. Passing this amendment will not end my hopes of finding someone with whom I can spend the rest of my life. Those behind the amendment and those who will vote for it know this. So why push the amendment? Why fight so hard to amend the Texas Constitution?

As I mentioned below, I have spent some time calling potential voters to urge them to vote against Proposition 2. One caller summed up what I believe is at the root of this amendment. When I asked him why he was going to vote to ban gay marriage, even though it is already illegal in Texas, he replied: "They simply don't belong in Texas."

I want so badly for this all to really be about strengthening the institution of marriage. I want so badly for this all to be based on a carefully considered (though refutable) political philosophy. I want so badly for this all to be about "doing the right thing," or even about that ever-present bugaboo: judicial activism. But for most Texans, it simply isn't about policy; it is a gut reaction to a perceived evil. At root, this Constitutional Amendment is about the majority's discomfort with what a few men do in the bedroom. At root, many Texans just don't want gay people around. At root, we make many of you uncomfortable.

The backers of this amendment support it because, when it comes down to brass tacks, they believe Sodom got what it deserved when it was reduced to a smoldering pile of ash and sulfur and mangled bodies. Though they are wrong, they believe that a holocaust of fire was just punishment for a disgusting sex act performed by the men of a town (they ignore the fact that rape, and not love, was the goal of the Sodomites). They believe gay men and lesbians to be the moral descendants of these perverts (that's why they call us 'Sodomites' and wish they could still ban 'Sodomy').

Now, most of the backers of the amendment won't say the above out loud. Most wouldn't put it in such absolute and graphic terms. Most don't hate LGBT persons. They may instead say that lesbians and gays are 'broken' and need 'healing.' They may say that they are only banning gay marriage in hopes that fewer people will accept the so-called gay lifestyle, or because they don't want society to endorse the choice of a few misguided individuals. But the euphemisms are inadequate to mask the heart of the argument: gay sex sends you to hell, so coercive power of the state must be used to stop people from doing it.

I do not think most Texans hate gays. I don't think a majority of Texans want to see all legal protections for gay couples eliminated. I do think, though that a majority of Texans have been convinced that, if you believe it is wrong to be gay, you must vote to ban gay marriage (that is, they have been convinced that moral disapproval is a sufficient condition for banning gay marriage). Most are missing the fact that the logic doesn't add up. Moral disapproval of an action (or a group) is neither a necessary condition nor a sufficient condition for banning an action.

Sure, let's have a policy debate about the parameters of state-sanctioned marriage. Let's even talk about whether the government should be involved in marriage at all. We could talk about how marriage rights for gays and lesbians could have a stabilizing effect on the gay community. We can talk about how gays and lesbians should be considered equal under the law. We can talk about how a ban on gay marriage is unconstitutional sex discrimination. We can even make conservative and traditionalist cases for gay marriage.

But instead, when the polls close at 7 p.m., I suspect we will discover that it was not policy considerations that carried the day. We will likely discover that, when it comes down to it, the LGBT community just doesn't belong in Texas. We aren't wanted because, in a state dominated by evangelical, fundamentalist, and conservative Christians, we are still nothing more than Sodomites.

And now my confession of cowardice: yes, I donated money to defeat the amendment; yes, I called potential voters to get out the vote; yes, I voted against the amendment. But I was scared of one group of people: my family. I didn't call my parents, my siblings, or any of my extended family. Perhaps this was Southern sensibility: you just don't talk politics with the family. Perhaps this was my pragmatic side coming out: I'm pretty sure I know how they will vote, so what's the point? In reality, though, there was more: I'm afraid my family will stop speaking to me again. I'm afraid that asking for their votes will be the tipping point. I lost my family once, and I don't want to lose them again.

I cannot speak to my family about my desire to start my own family because, if I do, I risk losing the family I already have. I think they call this a Catch-22, but I'm not sure.

No Nonsense in November, III

So, today's the big day. Today proposition 2, the constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage (and anything resembling gay marriage), is up for a vote. If you are a Texan, get to the polls (you have until 7 tonight) and vote 'no'.

Sorry I have been absent lately. I've been spending most of my spare time calling potential voters; the results have not been encouraging.

I don't have much to say about this amendment that hasn't been said before: it is unnecessary, it is revolting attack on lesbian and gay citizens, and it does nothing to protect the institution of marriage.

Vote no.